Micheline Labelle

“« RACE » AND RACISM : REFLECTIONS
ON THE POWER OF WORDS.”

Un article publié dans Directions. Research and Policy on Race Relations in Canada, THE POWER OF WORDS, no 7, Winter 2016, pp. 58-70. Ottawa : Fondation canadienne des relations raciales.

Biography [58]

Abstract [58]

Article [58]

How international institutions deal with racism and the concept of "race" [59]

The weight and the power of colonial classifications [60]

Debates in the research environment about the notion of "race" and racism [61]

How the Canadian and Québec states deal with the notion of "race" and racism [64]

How the organizations for the defence of minorities deal with the notion of "race" and racism [65]

Antiracism and/or multiculturalism, interculturalism [66]

Conclusion [68]

References [69]

BIOGRAPHY

Micheline Labelle has a doctorate in anthropology from the Université de Montréal and is professor emerita of sociology at the Université du Québec à Montréal. She held the Concordia-UQAM Chair in ethnic studies (1993-1996 ; 2006-2008) and the UQAM Chair for research on immigration, ethnicity and citizenship (2008-2014). In 2003, she established the Observatoire sur le racisme et les discriminations, the only one of its kind in Canada, with which several partners are associated. At the request of UNESCO, she participated as an expert in the elaboration of the Action Plan of the International Coalition of Cities against Racism. She is a member of the Sectoral Commission for natural and social sciences of the Canadian Commission for UNESCO. She has published several books and articles on citizenship, transnationalism, interculturalism, the national question and minorities. She was awarded the Thérèse Casgrain Prize in 1989. She also received the Hommage Prize in 2015, celebrating 40 years of the Québec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms and presented by the Quebec Commission of Human Rights and of Rights of Youth in recognition of her work in the area of racism and the struggle against discrimination.

ABSTRACT

Keywords :  Anti-racism, categorization, classification, discourse, minorities, national models, states

In this article, the author gives a critical analysis of the discourse on racism, as conveyed by international institutions, researchers, the state, NGOs and minority associations. She shows the multiplicity of this discourse, the variations and theoretical controversies that it generates and how it permeates "racial thought." She maintains that it is possible to analyze and combat racism without using the word "race", which itself is a product of racist ideology and perversely fixes and essentializes identifies into undifferentiated totalities. She believes that anti-racism requires specific interventions and should be kept distinct from the political ideologies of multiculturalism, interculturalism and any other discourse promoting diversity, diversifies or superdiversity.

ARTICLE

Over the last decade, various UN reports have pointed out the difficulties and confusion in the analysis of racism, the strengthening of extreme right-wing parties and the ineffectiveness of the antiracist interventions of democratic states. The increase and diversification of migrations on a Worldwide scale and the geopolitical context require a renewal of theoretical reflection, of state action and of the strategies of organizations advocating for the targets of racism.

[59]

In racism studies, several questions are being debated : the very definition of racism, the distinction between colonial racism and neo-racism or cultural racism, Islamophobia as a form of racism, "whiteness", the use of the terms "race" and "visible minorities".

One might believe that the idea of "race" has vanished from mentalities, but that would be a mistake. The word "race" and associated adjectives still permeate the discourse of academia, the state, the media and social movements and community organizations. How can this be, when the notion of "race" is derived from the racist ideology that served to justify colonialism, slavery and apartheid ? Racist ideology imprisoned entire populations in designated, denigrated and despised identifies. How can we legitimize today the vestiges of the terminology and categories of the colonial period ? Why reproduce a racializing view of otherness, a sort of race-centrism as the basis of thought ? By asking this question, we imply that words have a clear power.

This article proposes a critical analysis of the use of the concept of "race" in scientific and government discourse, and in the discourse of civil society organizations which combat racism. It also deals with the question of antiracism. [1] But let us first review some historical reference points.

How international institutions deal
with racism and the concept of "race"

After the Second World War, UNESCO tried to invalidate the idea of "race" in its Statement on race (1950). Prominent scholars, such as the anthropologists Claude Lévi-Strauss and Ashley Montagu differentiate "race" as a biological fact and the "myth of race", all the while maintaining the word "race" (UNESCO, 1979, p. 26), and this continues to be controversial.

Adopted in 1965 and in force as of 1969, the International Convention on the Elimination of AH Forms of Racial Discrimination fails to define racism. It merely defines "racial discrimination" in Article 1 :

Any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life (UN, 1969).

As we shall see, the word "racial" includes, abusively all sorts of grounds of discrimination.

In 1978, in its Declaration on Race and Racial Prejudice, UNESCO proposes a definition of racism which emphasizes the negative effects of racism on its targets and on its actors themselves, as well as the [tensions it creates inside nation states and between peoples :

Racism includes racist ideologies, prejudiced attitudes, discriminatory behaviour, structural arrangements and institutionalized practices resulting in racial inequality as the fallacious notion that discriminatory relations between groups are and scientifically justifiable ; it is reflected in discriminatory provisions in legislation or regulations and discriminatory practices as well as in anti-social beliefs and acts ; it hinders the development of its victims, perverts those who practice it, divides nations internally, impedes international co-operation and gives rise to political tensions between peoples ; it is contrary to the fundamental principles of international law and, consequently, seriously [60] disturbs international peace and security (UNESCO, 1978, Article 2.2).

In 2001, the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance insisted on the power of words. The Durban Declaration urges states to "name and recognize" racism (WCAR, 2001). It invites states to develop action plans and to respect commitments made in various frameworks. And it emphasizes that the targets of racism request that they be identified by their own names, a demand which has marked the struggles waged by social movements for social justice and dignity throughout the 20th century, and since.

The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance rightly admits that no definition of racism, xenophobia, anti-Semitism, or intolerance is universally accepted (OSCE/ODIHR, 2004). The Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, Doudou Diène, noted the growing complexity of the area of discrimination because of the amalgam of "race", culture and religion factors in most recent crises and incidents. He also considered that this combination of factors confuses the analysis and diagnosis of racism and, consequently, weakens the responses and the struggles to combat racism (Diène, 2006), and ends up, at an operational level, making racism a kind of catch-all label.

As a result of the increasing theme of the intersectionality of forms of discrimination, it is not surprising that there is a tendency to associate the promotion and management of diversity, diversifies or superdiversity with antiracism. Thus, the White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue of the Council of Europe (2008) advocates the formation, the rapprochement and the validation of cultures, language learning, the understanding of religions, etc. while including suggestions referring to the necessity of adopting severe legislation against "hate speech", to train members of the justice System, to support victims of racism, to promote the political participation of underrepresented citizens and other measures (2008, pp. 38-39). In 2004, UNESCO launched its project International Coalition of Cities against Racism. Since then, around sixty municipalities have joined the Canadian Coalition of Municipalities against Racism and Discrimination, which encourages its members to develop their own action plans, in accordance with 10 common commitments in three areas of municipal responsibility : the municipality as a guardian of the public interest ; the municipality as an organization in the fulfillment of human rights ; the municipality as a community sharing responsibility for respecting and promoting human rights and diversity. And in fact the municipalities are inspired by guides to best practices which closely combine antiracist measures and measures to promote diversity, under the label of multiculturalism, interculturalism or integration.

At the same time, international institutions still largely use the word "race" to combat racism. The same applies to texts emanating from the research community, governments and NGOs, as will be seen in the following sections. While "post" studies of all kinds (postmodern, postcolonial, post-apartheid, etc.) are dominant in universities and the constructed and situational character of identifies is stressed, it seems to me to be contradictory to still use a notion which belongs to a colonial terminological universe.

The weight and the power
of colonial classifications

The durability of the word "race" is due to the fact that racist ideology has infiltrated censuses, public policy and the social sciences. As Omi Winant emphasized : "Ail the social sciences originate in raciology and race management, a fact that is rarely acknowledged" (Winant, 2015, p. 2176). The 20^th and [61] 21^st Centuries bear the still-living traces of colonialism and nation states do not fail to play their role in the essentialization and racialization of difference.

Racist ideology has produced a variability of classifications in the Americas. I have studied this phenomenon in the field, in depth, and demonstrated in Idéologie de couleur et classes sociales en Haïti how terminology designating colour types is complex, internalized by social actors and is a vector of social status. In fact, the lexicon is not arbitrary, for it shows the gulf between social classes and the use of colour ideology by political leaders, since the colonial System in Saint-Domingue and the independence of Haiti in 1804 (Labelle, 1979). Far from being reduced to the pairs black/white or black/mulatto, the inventory of terms to designate various colour types is expandable and reveals complex, alienating and anticitizen stratification. Between "black" and "white", the classification of physical types is perpetuated (marabout, brun, griffe, grimaud, mulâtre, quarteron). And each of these labels is further divided into subcategories.

This phenomenon is observed everywhere in the Caribbean and elsewhere. Brazil, for example, distinguishes five categories of colour : branco (white), pardo (brown), preto (black), amarelo (yellow) and "aboriginal" (quoted in Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent, 2005. p. 6).

According to Prewitt, the first census of the American Republic classified its population into "races." From 1790to 1990, the categories were changed from census to census, but the government always maintained its position that each American has to be classified in just one category (Prewitt, 2005, p. 5). The social "one drop rule" prevails. It is based on a binary System and perpetuates it : any individual deemed to have a "black" ancestor is categorized as "black", even if he appears "white" (Patterson, 1997, p. 68 ; Hollinger, 2005 ; Appiah and Gutman, 1996). That is the way President Obama is defined. But the classification has evolved. The initial term "Negro" was replaced in the census by the terms Black, Afro-American or African-American. In 2010, besides the so-called ethnic categories, the racial categories were : American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian or Pacific Islander, Black, White, African American, two races, Asian Indian, Japanese, Pacific Islander, etc. How were such aggregates possible ?

In Canada, the words "Negro" (in French, nègre), "mulatto" (mulâtre), "Métis" (métis) and "savage" appeared in the census as of 1851. The term "Negro" was still there in 1961. The notion of "visible minorities" in the Canadian context comes into use in the 1980s : "persons, other than aboriginal peoples, who are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour" (Employment and Immigration Canada, 1992). This group includes Blacks and/or West Indians, Chinese, South Asians, Arabs and West Asians, Southeast Asians, Latin Americans and individuals whose origins are in the Pacific Islands. In 1992, Lebanese were added to the list.

Once they have immigrated to North America or [Europe, citizens lose their national identity and find themselves, without necessarily having claimed this distinction, classified as "Blacks" or "visible minorities" or "black communities." As for citizens of North Africa, they fall into the classifications of "visible minorities" or "Muslim communities", given that the appearance and resurgence of religious factors have made the picture more complex. This heavy legacy is not easily undone.

Debates in the research environment
about the notion of "race" and racism

While metissage, superdiversity and diversalities are celebrated on the international scène (Labelle, [62] 2015), it is clear that the state categorization still refers largely to "race" (as a social myth or as a sign) and inevitably contributes to keeping alive the idea that "races" actually exist, while having the goal of combating racism. How, in this context, can language be developed which deals with racism and which denounces the idea of race in ordinary discourse without making race an analytical and interpretative concept ? There is no unanimity among racism specialists on this issue.

The theorists of internal colonialism and of postcolonial studies have maintained for a long time, and rightly so, that the incorporation of colonial minorities in North America cannot be viewed following the ethnicity model. It is necessary to maintain a distinction between minorities from voluntary migrations and minorities from forced migrations. But beyond this essential distinction, the question of "race" diverges from the rest.

For many researchers, "race" is deeply rooted in modes of thought and action and remains a central component of the identity of minorities and of their résistance practices (Wallis and Fieras, 2009, p. x) ; race matters in reality and in scientific discourse and the relevance of this word is resolutely defended. According to Winant, one of the major issues of the postcolonial and post-civil rights era opposes two schools of thought : the non-racialized argument (colorblindness) and the position that social organization and race consciousness continue to operate in all areas : resource distribution, social control and movements for equality and justice (Winant, 2004, p. 4).

Theorists of whiteness studies have pushed this argument to the limit. They consider that naming "race" is essential for combating racism, even if race is a social myth. They write about "white" identity, "white" privilege, "white" domination, "white" supremacy and "white" norms. "Whiteness" is concerned with the "specificities of social experience related to being white, compared to those resulting from a black, Asian or Indian identity, for example" (Garner, 2007, p. 58). The "white body" is conceived as the normative standard (Kobayashi and Johnson, 2007, p. 10).

Now, even if this movement is concerned with the social construction of "white identifies", and even if "race" can have the status of an object of research, and this is interesting and legitimate, that does not justify researchers making it an analytical concept integrated into a theory of racism. Research must distance itself from empirical categories, practices and discourses observed and recorded in the field.

The debate has reached professional associations. Thus, the American Sociological Association pleaded in favour of the status quo and took a position supporting the notions of "race" and of racial categories :

Sociologists have long examined how race - a social concept that changes overtime- has been used to place people in categories. Some scientists and policymakers now contend that research using the concept of race perpetuates the negative consequences of thinking in racial terms. Others argue that measuring differential experiences, treatment, and outcomes across racial categories is necessary to track disparities and to inform policymaking to achieve greater social justice. The ASA, an association of some 13,000 US and international sociologists, find greater merit in the latter point of view (...) Refusing to acknowledge the fact of racial classifications, feelings, and actions, and refusing to measure their consequences will not eliminate racial [63] inequalities. At best, it will preserve the status quo (ASA, 2003, p. 1).

Against this dominant trend, British, French, American and Canadian specialists are calling for the elimination of the word "race" and challenging the position that allocates the status of an analytical category to "race". I share that critical perspective.

In the 1990s, Orlando Paterson insisted on the necessity of changing conventional terminology concerning relations between groups in American society :

The term race must be abandoned, or, as Ashley Montagu suggested years ago, where absolutely necessary it should be used only in quotation marks [...]. We should drop the terms black and white while talking about Afro-Americans and Euro-Americans. We should, instead, talk about ethnic groups (Patterson, 1997, pp. xi and 173).

Antonia Darder and Rodolfo Torres pointed out the traps of "race thinking" in the U.S. :

[...] the everyday use of race for symbolic or political purposes must be uprooted, along with outdated biological assertions. [...] the circularity of race logic leaves little possibility outside the realm of determinism. The power that ratifies race thinking is, wittingly or unwittingly, grounded in the notion that race, whether biological or cultural, is immutable - indivisible from the essential character of individuals (Darder and Torres, 2004, pp. 3-5).

Their criticism is not limited to denying the existence of "race" from the biological or social point of view. Such criticism is insufficient and raises important theoretical problems. Language of "race" imprisons American social thought :

[...] The problem of the twenty-first century is the problem of 'race'—an ideology that has served well to successfully obscure and disguise class interests behind a smokescreen of multiculturalism, diversity, difference and more recently, whiteness (Darder and Torres, p. 11).

Moreover, the race thinking or race-centrism paradigm is based on the postulate that "race" is the principal determinant of stratification in the U.S., social inequalities being explained by the racism of the white majority and state institutions. According to Wimmer, this postulate deserves to be challenged by analyses based on solid empirical evidence (Wimmer, 2015, p. 2186).

In France, the jurist Danièle Lochak considers that the prohibition of racism by the law means that racial discrimination is contrary to the fundamental values of the country. But she asks : "Is this function of the law not thwarted by the recognition that is produced by the inclusion of the word race in the legal texts ? I(...) When the legislation proscribes discrimination based on race, does it not at the same time confirm the existence of race, on which it also confers [an ambiguous objectivity ?" (Lochak, 1998, p. 42 [unofficial translation]).

The concept of racisation/racialization which is at the heart of the sociological analysis of racism by Robert Miles presents an alternative. It clearly implies that the groups which are the targets of racism are groups which have been assigned an identity under racist ideology : "Racialization is an ideological process of delineation of group boundaries and of allocation of persons with in those boundaries by primary reference to (supposedly) inherent and/or biological (usually phenotypical) characteristics" (Miles, 1989, p. 74).

In the same vein, Vie Satzewich emphasizes the errors of analysts who persist in talking about "race" : "When [64] American commentators assert 'Black/White relations in the United States are at a breaking point', they are constructing collectivities on the basis of physical characteristics, and hence defining a relationship between groups in a racialized fashion" (Satzewich, 1998, p. 32).

It should therefore be possible to analyze racism, its manifestations, its levels and its logic, to compare social disparities and inequalities and to engage in antiracism without resorting to a discourse which is contaminated by a notion which is the product of racist ideology of the 19th century The categorization of a population into "races" manufactures imaginary totalities and does not contribute to the affirmation of the right to dignity of persons and groups discriminated against on the basis of their phenotype (Labelle, 2006, 2011).

A simple way to take one's distance from the word "race" is to use adjectives derived from the word to describe the manifestations of racism. Thus, one can speak of prejudices of a racist character, racial discrimination, groups vulnerable to racism, groups targeted by racism, grounds based on racism or even I grounds based on the presupposition of "race", or racialized group. [2] The debate remains lively and crucial, and is the subject of political and identity mobilizations.

Let us now look at the words used by the Canadian and the Québec states in their official documents on racism.

How the Canadian and Québec states deal
with the notion of "race" and racism [3]

In spite of the clear recognition of racism, racializing thought permeates the discourse of the Canadian and Québec states. Canada’s Action Plan Against Racism of 2005 set out a six-point strategy :

1. Assist victims and groups vulnerable to racism and related forms of discrimination ;

2. Develop forward-looking approaches to promote diversity and combat racism ;

3. Strengthen the role of civil society ;

4. Strengthen regional and international cooperation ;

5. Educate children and youth on diversity and anti-racism ; and

6. Counter hate and bias. (Canada, Heritage Canada, 2005, p. 5)

The word "race" appears around thirty times in the Action Plan. The targets of racism are identified by name. These are "racial" groups and "racial" minorities, "racial" communities, the "black race", Aboriginals, ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities, immigrants, etc.

In 2008, Québec adopted a policy entitled Diversity : An Added Value. Government policy to promote participation of all in Quebec's development, as well as a five-year action plan (Québec, MICC, 2008a, b). The Policy Statement of 1990 spoke of a "more and more multiracial society", of "persons of different races." The new policy tries to move away from this type of discourse, by putting the word "race" in quotation marks, but it maintains the phrase "visible minorities", borrowed from the federal level (Labelle, 2011, p. 55). The various Québec ministries whose discourse I analyzed also identify a great variety of target groups of racism, for example : Aboriginals, Anglophones, cultural communities, Latin Americans (Labelle, 2011, pp. 85-86) ; presumed homogeneous totalities, after all grouped together artificially.

In a report presented to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) of the UN, Canada justifies the use of the word "visible minorities" in the Employment Equity Act. This did [65] not prevent CERD from raising doubts as to the compliance of the word "visible minorities" with the goals and objectives of the Convention (Article 1) :

While noting the position of the State party according to which the use of the term "visible minorities" is specific to the Employment Equity Act and is not used for the purpose of defining racial discrimination, the Committee notes that the term is widely used in official documents of the State party, including the census. The Committee is concerned that the use of the term "visible minorities" may not be in accordance with the aims and objectives of the Convention (art. 1). The Committee recommends that the State party reflect further, in line with article 1, paragraph 1 of the Convention, on the implications of the use of the term "visible minorities" in referring to "persons, other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non Caucasian in race or non white in colour" (UN, CERD, 2007, par. 13).

More recently, Ms. Gay McDougall, an independent expert on minorities, also commented on the inadequacy of the term, which ignores particular identifies and situations and dilutes the specific experiences of minority groups :

While the category called "visible minority" in the Employment Equity Act was at one time a positive step to acknowledge minority communities, it is now too broad to give a realistic picture of the achievements of or problems faced by distinct communities. Certain communities, particularly those with African heritage, feel strongly that this terminology under which their data is captured, leads inevitably to the neglect of their specific identities and situations (McDougall, 2010, p. 20).

These reservations echo the controversies which persist in the academic environment.

How the organizations for the defence of minorities
deal with the notion of "race" and racism

The prevalent terminology in Canada and Québec has penetrated NGOs and minority associations. In their briefs submitted to the government consultation on a Québec policy for the struggle against racism, in 2006 (Québec, 2006), most of the 29 NGOs, organizations with a general vocation and associations with an ethnic, racialized, religious or national identity unreservedly used the word "race" whether in reference to the Québec Charter or not. The Charter defines the right to equality and prohibits all forms of discrimination on the basis of "race, colour, ethnic or national origin and religion."

[Some organizations which are particularly influenced by anglophone culture exert strong pressure on the Québec state to talk of "race." The proponents of this idea believe that this is the only way to recognize racism. The Canadian Race Relations Foundation uses [the word "race" 21 times in its brief and states : "We agree with the consultation document that "race" is not a biological construct. However, it is a social and psychological construct that has material impact for peoples lives and their daily realities" (CRRF, 2006, p. 6). The Centre de recherche-action sur les relations raciales emphasizes the socially constructed character of "race" and denounces "the francocentric approach of Quebec regarding antiracism, an approach which is alleged to be heavily influenced by France, which denies, in the name of the Republic, ethnic and racial differences" (CRRAR, 2006, p. 7 [unofficial translation]).

A minority among the 29 organizations studied, the Québec Bar states about the debate underway : [66] "Currently, there is a school of thought which questions the relevance of conserving the term 'race' in the struggle against racism." The Bar notes that the Ontario Human Rights Commission favours the expression "racialized group" : "The notion of 'racialized" group is more apt for describing the reality of persons who are victims of racism or of racial prejudice in that race is a marker which is imposed by the view of the other." (Barreau du Québec, 2006, p. 13 [unofficial translation])

Civil society organizations give broad identifications of racism targets. Included are "visible minorities", "ethnocultural minorities", "cultural, ethnoracial, religious, immigrant communities", "Muslims", "Aboriginals", "immigrant women", "refugees", etc. It should also be mentioned that minority associations give priority to their group. Some briefs identify persons of the "white race", the "white" conquerors, "white" privilege, the "whites", the "Québécois pure laine", "old-stock Quebeckers", the "majority group", the "francophone majority", etc. as racist. (Labelle, 2001, p. 103). These comments reveal the difficulty there is to realize that racism is not just found among the majority, that it permeates minorities and that reverse racist prejudices are reproduced from generation to generation.

Antiracism and/or multiculturalism,
interculturalism

Interculturalism concerns rapprochement and dialogue between cultures. Antiracism is situated at another level. It includes all citizen actions and public policies aiming for the elimination of racism both in personal interaction and social structure and institutions. To think of antiracism is to think of power relations, segregation, discrimination, violence ; and it is to aim for justice,  human dignity and duty to remember. Interculturalism addresses instead the reduction of ethnocentrism, the harmonization of intercultural relations and viable accommodation.

But this distinction is far from being accepted unanimously.

As I emphasized above, the analysis of racism implies that we should not make it a catch-all category for various grounds of discrimination identified by charters and  international conventions. It may well be a consequence of this tendency that there is a lack of distinction between issues associated with the promotion and management of ethnocultural and racialized diversity, on the one hand, and antiracism on the other, in the policies of the Canadian and Québec states. In these policies, antiracism and Canadian multiculturalism are combined, as are antiracism and Québec interculturalism. In practice, this translates into orientations, strategic choices and concrete measures which are difficult to differentiate and assess. This must cause problems for public policy writers.

Thus, Canada’s Action Plan Against Racism systematically refers to multiculturalism to deal with racism. The approach aims to :

foster community participation and strengthen partnerships between community organizations and levels of government to ensure the continued development and capacity of ethno-racial and ethno-cultural groups to address issues of multiculturalism and anti-racism (Canada, Heritage Canada, 2005, p. 33).

The Canadian state presents itself as a world leader in antiracism thanks to its multiculturalism model. "Public education promotes dialogue between cultures and religions. Not only does it promote multiculturalism and the benefits of diversity, it also fosters mutual respect and serves as a way to inform Canadians about the contemporary forms of prejudice, discrimination and racism." (idem, p. 40)

[67]

The Québec policy of 2008 articulates antiracist and intercultural objectives. For example :

Intercultural education fosters harmony between groups, mutual enrichment and intercultural exchange by valuing diversity and cultural pluralism and by providing the information which allows for this communication. In this way, it combats prejudices and changes perceptions and attitudes. Antiracist education transforms behaviour and action at the individual and institutional level and challenges the power relations which create inequalities, discrimination and racism (Québec, 2008a, p. 28).

Also, the policy supports setting up the Leaders diversité network, a forum of business leaders engaged in the promotion of diversity in employment. It also aims to monitor and prevent hate propaganda and crimes (Québec, 2008b).

This amalgam is found on the Website of the Ministry of Immigration, Diversity and Inclusion where, under the heading Combating racism and discrimination, the themes to be explored involve diversity, racism and sexual diversity ; and on the Heritage Canada web site where, under Cultural Diversity and Rights, we find grouped together Human Rights, International Relations and Aboriginal Peoples !

As for municipalities, they attempt to integrate various perspectives, some hesitating to name racism as recommended by the Durban Declaration. According to one municipality, it is necessary to promote "a policy for the promotion of diversity instead of a struggle against racism and discrimination (...) Speaking about promoting diversity would seem more appropriate and more adapted to the current state of our knowledge"(City of Sherbrooke, in Labelle, 2011, p. 128 [unofficial translation]). The struggle against racism must be accompanied by the dimensions of integration, intercultural rapprochement, mixing of populations, civic participation, etc., claim the City of Montréal, the Islamic Centre of Québec City, the Québec Permanent Youth Council, B'nai B'rith and several other organizations.

An identical phenomenon can be seen in the briefs submitted to the Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences (2007) (the Bouchard-Taylor Commission). And this confusion raises the interesting question of the political discourse, for instrumental ends, that is being developed by NGOs and associations in a context where Canadian multiculturalism and Québec interculturalism represent competing models of integration, at least in the Québec space.

However, some NGOs and minority associations have reproached the former minister of Immigration and Cultural Communities for not distinguishing between [racism, immigrant integration, interculturalism and diversity management. According to the Québec Bar :

These are different issues, which, although they can complement each other in the context of state action, must receive a distinct treatment so as not to restrict or dilute the obligations of the state in the matter of the right to equality and the struggle against discrimination. (Barreau du Québec, 2006, p. 14 [unofficial translation])

Finally, it would be highly appropriate to have the opinion of the First Nations on these subjects. Do they consider that their principal objective is the struggle against racism and/or intercultural rapprochement, in the context of current multinational federalism ?

[68]

Conclusion

As I have emphasized above, I do not grant an analytical or conceptual status to the idea of "race". This is not to adopt a line of thought and action which is indifferent or blind to the colour and phenotypes of people {colorblindness), thus throwing out the baby with the bathwater, so to speak. That is why I defend, along with others, the use of the concept of racialization of otherness and of the words racialized group or group targeted by racism, etc. This vision of things clearly implies that the groups targeted by racism are groups which have been assigned an identity under racist ideology. And I believe I have the civic responsibility to distance myself accordingly from the word "race".

This is not only a matter of scientific rigour, but also concerns the perverse effect of words. A certain antiracist discourse fixes and defines identifies. Essentialism is a problem that the literature on identity tends to avoid, hence accepting uncritically the dominant administrative, political or media categorizations, even if they are ethnicizing and racializing. Perhaps this involves simplifying the perception of the Other, but it also trivializes the Others identity. This is therefore a power struggle.

The work of Mary C. Waters has abundantly demonstrated that group ethnicization and racialization in the U.S. are phenomena undergoing change. Groups which today are considered to be ethnic groups (white ethnics moreover) were earlier designated as racial groups (e.g. the Irish). Immigrants and their descendants also make choices as to their identity. Thus, among citizens with Caribbean origins, some refuse to be classified as Afro-Americans or as "Black" (Waters, 1999). The same can be said for the Québec context (Labelle, 2004).

Another perverse effect involves binary oppositions ; for example, when the media reproduce the opposition "Whites/Aboriginals." It cannot be denied that the formula smacks of colonialism. Another problem is the hierarchization of targets, which may have the effect of exacerbating racism rather than contributing to its eradication (Appiah and Gutman, 1996) and would also divide civil society organizations in their analyses of the situation and their demands.

Finally, we should remember the important role played by the state, élites and association leaders in the definition of identifies and in the way that demands are shaped and transmitted in the public sphere. Several writers have shown how the integration models of a host society are crucial factors for understanding the modes of incorporation of immigrants and minorities. In this regard, the categorization and classification of populations play a crucial role in light of the power struggles of which they are the basis (Martiniello and Pierre, 2005). As Monica Boyd has written : "What are the future approaches for measuring ethnicity rests on understanding country-specific factors (...) An analysis of these factors ultimately rests on ideologies of nationhood, nation-building agendas and the incorporation (or disavowal) of ethnicity into that agenda" (Boyd, 1993 : 529). We could also add "race."

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